Subsistence sustained swidden or milpa cultivation

From the modern settlement of the southern Yucatán peninsular region to the present, smallholder farmers have followed a system of cultivation variously labeled swidden, slash-and-burn, or shifting within agricultural typologies (Watters 1971; but see Denevan 1992), and known as milpa in the Yucatán and Maya lowlands. Milpa cultivation has been so pervasive historically and geographically throughout the peninsula and the subject of such an extensive literature, that its description is only briefly reviewed here. Understanding the character and dynamics of this system of cultivation, including its long-term prognosis for continued use within the development of the region, is essential for understanding land changes and modeling them, although recent changes in cropping strategies portend the emergence of a ‘new’ kind of milpa. Swidden cultivation in the region, as elsewhere in Middle America, is invariably undertaken as an outfield activity—located at some distance from the farmstead—and is accompanied by small but complex housegardens or solares adjacent to and surrounding the house (e.g. Killion 1992; but see Gómez-Pompa 1987). The house-garden not only provides shade for the abode, it provides fruits, nuts, medicinal and ornamental plants, and a place for cropping experiments (Keys 1999). The extent and elaboration of house-gardens in the southern Yucatán peninsular region appears to be tied to the length of residency and, perhaps, ethnicity of the resident. Maya people, for example, tend to maintain large and elaborate solares. House-gardens tend to be smaller, even unrecognizable to the untrained eye, in the few densely settled communities in the region (e.g. Xpujil). As these gardens are not yet a central element of the broader dynamic of land change in the region, they are not given further attention here. The outfield or swidden supplies maize (Zea mays L.), planted in several varieties and serving as the consumption staple. Depending on the household, some portion of the maize crop may be sold. This ‘dual’ production function has been part of swidden in the region at least since the opening of Highway 186, reflecting government policy promoting commercial maize production (Ch. 7) and the abundant land awarded to individual ejidatarios at that time.

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Bibliographic Details
Main Authors: Klepeis, Peter autor, Vance, Colin James autor, Keys, Eric autor, Macario Mendoza, Pedro A. Doctor autor 2047, Turner II, Billie Lee Doctor autor 20003
Format: Texto biblioteca
Language:eng
Subjects:Maíz, Agricultura de subsistencia, Explotación agrícola en pequeña escala, Artfrosur,
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id KOHA-OAI-ECOSUR:51927
record_format koha
institution ECOSUR
collection Koha
country México
countrycode MX
component Bibliográfico
access En linea
databasecode cat-ecosur
tag biblioteca
region America del Norte
libraryname Sistema de Información Bibliotecario de ECOSUR (SIBE)
language eng
topic Maíz
Agricultura de subsistencia
Explotación agrícola en pequeña escala
Artfrosur
Maíz
Agricultura de subsistencia
Explotación agrícola en pequeña escala
Artfrosur
spellingShingle Maíz
Agricultura de subsistencia
Explotación agrícola en pequeña escala
Artfrosur
Maíz
Agricultura de subsistencia
Explotación agrícola en pequeña escala
Artfrosur
Klepeis, Peter autor
Vance, Colin James autor
Keys, Eric autor
Macario Mendoza, Pedro A. Doctor autor 2047
Turner II, Billie Lee Doctor autor 20003
Subsistence sustained swidden or milpa cultivation
description From the modern settlement of the southern Yucatán peninsular region to the present, smallholder farmers have followed a system of cultivation variously labeled swidden, slash-and-burn, or shifting within agricultural typologies (Watters 1971; but see Denevan 1992), and known as milpa in the Yucatán and Maya lowlands. Milpa cultivation has been so pervasive historically and geographically throughout the peninsula and the subject of such an extensive literature, that its description is only briefly reviewed here. Understanding the character and dynamics of this system of cultivation, including its long-term prognosis for continued use within the development of the region, is essential for understanding land changes and modeling them, although recent changes in cropping strategies portend the emergence of a ‘new’ kind of milpa. Swidden cultivation in the region, as elsewhere in Middle America, is invariably undertaken as an outfield activity—located at some distance from the farmstead—and is accompanied by small but complex housegardens or solares adjacent to and surrounding the house (e.g. Killion 1992; but see Gómez-Pompa 1987). The house-garden not only provides shade for the abode, it provides fruits, nuts, medicinal and ornamental plants, and a place for cropping experiments (Keys 1999). The extent and elaboration of house-gardens in the southern Yucatán peninsular region appears to be tied to the length of residency and, perhaps, ethnicity of the resident. Maya people, for example, tend to maintain large and elaborate solares. House-gardens tend to be smaller, even unrecognizable to the untrained eye, in the few densely settled communities in the region (e.g. Xpujil). As these gardens are not yet a central element of the broader dynamic of land change in the region, they are not given further attention here. The outfield or swidden supplies maize (Zea mays L.), planted in several varieties and serving as the consumption staple. Depending on the household, some portion of the maize crop may be sold. This ‘dual’ production function has been part of swidden in the region at least since the opening of Highway 186, reflecting government policy promoting commercial maize production (Ch. 7) and the abundant land awarded to individual ejidatarios at that time.
format Texto
topic_facet Maíz
Agricultura de subsistencia
Explotación agrícola en pequeña escala
Artfrosur
author Klepeis, Peter autor
Vance, Colin James autor
Keys, Eric autor
Macario Mendoza, Pedro A. Doctor autor 2047
Turner II, Billie Lee Doctor autor 20003
author_facet Klepeis, Peter autor
Vance, Colin James autor
Keys, Eric autor
Macario Mendoza, Pedro A. Doctor autor 2047
Turner II, Billie Lee Doctor autor 20003
author_sort Klepeis, Peter autor
title Subsistence sustained swidden or milpa cultivation
title_short Subsistence sustained swidden or milpa cultivation
title_full Subsistence sustained swidden or milpa cultivation
title_fullStr Subsistence sustained swidden or milpa cultivation
title_full_unstemmed Subsistence sustained swidden or milpa cultivation
title_sort subsistence sustained swidden or milpa cultivation
work_keys_str_mv AT klepeispeterautor subsistencesustainedswiddenormilpacultivation
AT vancecolinjamesautor subsistencesustainedswiddenormilpacultivation
AT keysericautor subsistencesustainedswiddenormilpacultivation
AT macariomendozapedroadoctorautor2047 subsistencesustainedswiddenormilpacultivation
AT turneriibillieleedoctorautor20003 subsistencesustainedswiddenormilpacultivation
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spelling KOHA-OAI-ECOSUR:519272024-03-12T12:41:30ZSubsistence sustained swidden or milpa cultivation Klepeis, Peter autor Vance, Colin James autor Keys, Eric autor Macario Mendoza, Pedro A. Doctor autor 2047 Turner II, Billie Lee Doctor autor 20003 textengFrom the modern settlement of the southern Yucatán peninsular region to the present, smallholder farmers have followed a system of cultivation variously labeled swidden, slash-and-burn, or shifting within agricultural typologies (Watters 1971; but see Denevan 1992), and known as milpa in the Yucatán and Maya lowlands. Milpa cultivation has been so pervasive historically and geographically throughout the peninsula and the subject of such an extensive literature, that its description is only briefly reviewed here. Understanding the character and dynamics of this system of cultivation, including its long-term prognosis for continued use within the development of the region, is essential for understanding land changes and modeling them, although recent changes in cropping strategies portend the emergence of a ‘new’ kind of milpa. Swidden cultivation in the region, as elsewhere in Middle America, is invariably undertaken as an outfield activity—located at some distance from the farmstead—and is accompanied by small but complex housegardens or solares adjacent to and surrounding the house (e.g. Killion 1992; but see Gómez-Pompa 1987). The house-garden not only provides shade for the abode, it provides fruits, nuts, medicinal and ornamental plants, and a place for cropping experiments (Keys 1999). The extent and elaboration of house-gardens in the southern Yucatán peninsular region appears to be tied to the length of residency and, perhaps, ethnicity of the resident. Maya people, for example, tend to maintain large and elaborate solares. House-gardens tend to be smaller, even unrecognizable to the untrained eye, in the few densely settled communities in the region (e.g. Xpujil). As these gardens are not yet a central element of the broader dynamic of land change in the region, they are not given further attention here. The outfield or swidden supplies maize (Zea mays L.), planted in several varieties and serving as the consumption staple. Depending on the household, some portion of the maize crop may be sold. This ‘dual’ production function has been part of swidden in the region at least since the opening of Highway 186, reflecting government policy promoting commercial maize production (Ch. 7) and the abundant land awarded to individual ejidatarios at that time.From the modern settlement of the southern Yucatán peninsular region to the present, smallholder farmers have followed a system of cultivation variously labeled swidden, slash-and-burn, or shifting within agricultural typologies (Watters 1971; but see Denevan 1992), and known as milpa in the Yucatán and Maya lowlands. Milpa cultivation has been so pervasive historically and geographically throughout the peninsula and the subject of such an extensive literature, that its description is only briefly reviewed here. Understanding the character and dynamics of this system of cultivation, including its long-term prognosis for continued use within the development of the region, is essential for understanding land changes and modeling them, although recent changes in cropping strategies portend the emergence of a ‘new’ kind of milpa. Swidden cultivation in the region, as elsewhere in Middle America, is invariably undertaken as an outfield activity—located at some distance from the farmstead—and is accompanied by small but complex housegardens or solares adjacent to and surrounding the house (e.g. Killion 1992; but see Gómez-Pompa 1987). The house-garden not only provides shade for the abode, it provides fruits, nuts, medicinal and ornamental plants, and a place for cropping experiments (Keys 1999). The extent and elaboration of house-gardens in the southern Yucatán peninsular region appears to be tied to the length of residency and, perhaps, ethnicity of the resident. Maya people, for example, tend to maintain large and elaborate solares. House-gardens tend to be smaller, even unrecognizable to the untrained eye, in the few densely settled communities in the region (e.g. Xpujil). As these gardens are not yet a central element of the broader dynamic of land change in the region, they are not given further attention here. The outfield or swidden supplies maize (Zea mays L.), planted in several varieties and serving as the consumption staple. Depending on the household, some portion of the maize crop may be sold. This ‘dual’ production function has been part of swidden in the region at least since the opening of Highway 186, reflecting government policy promoting commercial maize production (Ch. 7) and the abundant land awarded to individual ejidatarios at that time.MaízAgricultura de subsistenciaExplotación agrícola en pequeña escalaArtfrosurIntegrated land-change science and tropical deforestation in the southern Yucatán: final frontiers / edited by B. L. Turner II, Jacqueline Geoghegan and David R. FosterDisponible para usuarios de ECOSUR con su clave de acceso